On Friday, April 27th, we welcomed Dr. Erin Hannon (UNLV) to the workshop. Erin spoke about domain-specific knowledge in both music and language, arguing that even the same stimulus — with identical acoustic properties — shows distinct neural and behavioral responses, based on the top-down knowledge of whether the stimulus is linguistic or musical in nature. For example, Diana Deutsch’s music-as-speech illusion (in which a repeated spoken phrase takes on musical characteristics) speaks to the nature of domain-specific processing in speech and music, for as people transition from hearing the phrase as speech to music, they attend to the melodic and rhythmic information differently, and cannot simultaneously attend to the signal as both speech and music. (In fact, once one has heard the phrase as music, it is difficult to hear it as speech, even when it is embedded within the larger paragraph.)
Furthermore, double dissociation between music and language (in which individuals lose the ability to produce/comprehend language but not music and vice versa) speak to the domain-specificity of both music and language. This is not to say, however, that experience in one domain has no bearing on the other domain. Rather, research has demonstrated that music facilitates language comprehension (specifically through prosody and emotion recognition), and language facilitates music comprehension (e.g. tonal language speakers are better at pitch discrimination).
Erin then raised the important question when studying language and music differences in infants — which is: does the infant even understand the difference between the two? Motherese, or highly exaggerated infant-directed prosodic speech, has many musical qualities, for instance.
In a series of experiments, Erin demonstrated that while there are similarities between language and music, in experimental settings participants are unable to do a cross-domain transfer between the two modalities. For example, rhythmic variability in stress-timed and syllable-timed language has been shown in musical contexts. Specifically, in syllable-timed languages, each syllable is perceived to take up roughly the same amount of time, and instrumental music composed by speakers of syllable-timed languages is on-the-whole less rhythmically variable. However, while people can classify music based on these ratings, they are unable to transfer this information to language.
Erin also described a series of experiments that explored learning patterns which pitted musical content against linguistic content. For example, participants would be trained to respond to stimuli presented in an “ABB” format, but not “ABA.” However, pitch and phonemic information varied, creating fully incompatible trials (e.g. “la-ti-la” in speech and low-high-low in pitch), fully compatible trials (e.g. “la-ti-ti” in speech and high-low-low in pitch), as well as partially compatible trials, in which the linguistic content was compatible and the pitch content was incompatible and vice versa. One might expect participants to be best at the fully compatible trials, worst at the fully incompatible trials, and roughly equal (and somewhere in-between) for the partially compatible trials. Instead, Erin found that when the linguistic content was compatible, people rated the stimuli just as compatible as when both linguistic and pitch content was compatible, suggesting that linguistic information was valued over pitch information.
In follow up experiments, Erin demonstrated a similar hierarchy within music, in which participants value pitch information when it is pitted against timbre information.
We wondered whether speaking a tonal language or specific musical experiences might mitigate these effects, since these participants might attend to pitch information differently.